Threats Against Mosques and Muslims Raise Security Concerns Across the United States

A series of threats against mosques and Muslims has raised security concerns for Islamic institutions across the United States. Recent incidents include an alleged bomb threat against the ADAMS Center in Virginia, a letter threatening mass killing at a California mosque, and alleged death threats against four Muslim men in Michigan.

A September 30 security bulletin reviewed by the Shia Muslim Foundation assessed the threat of physical attacks against Muslims as elevated, citing recent threats against mosques and individuals as well as demonstrations outside Islamic institutions. The bulletin recorded 38 reported threats and attacks in the United States between January and September 2026 and cautioned that reported incidents do not capture every case.

One of the most immediate cases for Muslim communities in the Washington region involves the All Dulles Area Muslim Society, known as the ADAMS Center, in Northern Virginia.

According to the Loudoun County Sheriff’s Office, detectives were alerted to a comment posted on the ADAMS Center’s Instagram page indicating that someone intended to deliver an explosive device to an ADAMS Center event. Investigators executed multiple search warrants on September 18. The following day, Adam Sawyer, 50, of Spotsylvania County, was arrested and charged with one count of Threats to Bomb. The investigation involved the Loudoun County Sheriff’s Office, Virginia State Police, the Spotsylvania County Sheriff’s Office and Fairfax County Police Department.

The September security bulletin also documented the threat and the subsequent arrest.

In California, federal prosecutors have charged a man in connection with an explicit threat of mass violence against Muslims.

The U.S. Department of Justice says Louis White, 60, of Warner Springs mailed a letter to the Islamic Center of Temecula Valley that threatened the mass killing of Muslims. According to a federal criminal complaint, the mosque received the letter on August 26. It included a drawing depicting a bearded man inside crosshairs.

Federal authorities said investigators traced the letter to White and searched his residence on August 29. Several firearms were seized, including what investigators described as an AR 15 style short barreled rifle without a serial number. White was charged with mailing threatening communications. The charge is an allegation, and he is presumed innocent unless proven guilty.

Another case occurred in Troy, Michigan, on September 12.

Oakland County prosecutors charged Peter Hamilton Northup, 79, with four counts of Aggravated Hate Crime after an encounter involving four Muslim men outside the Troy Public Library.

According to Oakland County prosecutors, the men were offering members of the public an opportunity to discuss Islam and the Quran when Northup allegedly approached them, expressed hatred toward Muslims and threatened to kill them while stating that he was armed. Police arrested Northup and reported that he was carrying a loaded pistol.

Authorities subsequently recovered 19 firearms after Troy Police sought an order restricting his access to weapons. The criminal charges remain allegations unless proven in court.

Concerns have extended beyond direct criminal threats.

In Texas, the September security bulletin documented repeated online attention directed toward Muslim students and Muslim Student Associations at public high schools. Posts highlighted Muslim students holding Friday prayers, criticized schools for providing space for prayer and, in one instance, called for parents to shut down a Muslim Student Association.

The bulletin also reported that approximately 50 people participated in an anti Islam demonstration outside the Islamic Association of Collin County in Plano on September 11. The mosque had notified law enforcement before the demonstration, and officers patrolled the area.

Taken together, the incidents show the range of security issues confronting Muslim communities. Some involve speech or demonstrations protected by the First Amendment. Others involve alleged threats of bombing, mass killing or violence that prompt criminal investigations.

The distinction matters. Criticism of Islam, protests outside mosques and offensive speech do not automatically constitute criminal conduct. Credible threats of violence, bomb threats and conduct placing individuals in fear of physical harm can present separate public safety and law enforcement concerns.

Federal guidance recommends that houses of worship prepare for those risks before an emergency occurs.

The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency recommends a layered approach to security that includes assigning responsibility for security decisions, maintaining emergency and incident response plans, conducting vulnerability assessments, establishing channels for reporting credible threats and protecting the outer and inner areas of religious facilities. CISA also specifically recommends considering the safety of children in religious schools, childcare programs and other activities.

For SMF, the recent cases reinforce the importance of preparation without allowing intimidation to interfere with religious life.

Recent threats against mosques and Muslim Americans are a serious reminder that houses of worship must take security planning seriously. No community should have to choose between openly practicing its faith and feeling safe. Muslim institutions should build strong relationships with local law enforcement, train staff and volunteers, document threats, and report concerning activity. At the same time, we cannot allow threats or intimidation to push Muslims out of public life or make families afraid to attend their mosques. — Rahat Husain, Executive Director of the Shia Muslim Foundation

SMF encourages mosques, Islamic centers, schools and community organizations to maintain clear procedures for reporting threats, preserve threatening messages and social media posts, establish relationships with local law enforcement and periodically review emergency procedures with staff and volunteers.

Security planning does not require treating every hostile comment as an imminent danger. It requires institutions to have a process for distinguishing routine concerns from credible threats and acting quickly when circumstances warrant.

Muslim institutions remain open places of prayer, education and community life. Protecting those spaces requires awareness, preparation and cooperation while preserving the ability of Muslims to practice their faith openly and without intimidation.

When Correction Becomes a Wrong: Amr bi’l-Maʿruf in the Age of Social Media

There are religious duties whose danger lies not only in neglecting them, but in believing too quickly that we are fulfilling them.

Al-amr bi'l-ma'ruf wa'l-nahy 'an al-munkar 'enjoining what is right and discouraging what is wrong', is among Islam's great moral responsibilities. The Qur'an associates it with the moral health of the believing community:

وَلْتَكُن مِّنكُمْ أُمَّةٌ يَدْعُونَ إِلَى ٱلْخَيْرِ وَيَأْمُرُونَ بِٱلْمَعْرُوفِ وَيَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ ٱلْمُنكَرِ ۚ وَأُولَٰئِكَ هُمُ ٱلْمُفْلِحُونَ

"Let there be among you a community calling towards goodness, enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong; it is they who are successful." (Qur'an 3:104)

Elsewhere, believing men and women are described as awliya' of one another:

وَٱلْمُؤْمِنُونَ وَٱلْمُؤْمِنَاتُ بَعْضُهُمْ أَوْلِيَاءُ بَعْضٍ ۚ يَأْمُرُونَ بِٱلْمَعْرُوفِ وَيَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ ٱلْمُنكَرِ

"The believing men and believing women are allies of one another: they enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong." (Qur'an 9:71)

The sequence matters. Those who correct one another are first described as awliya': correction takes place within a relationship of care and friendship.

No morally serious community can be indifferent to wrongdoing. Yet the Islamic tradition never understood this duty as an unrestricted licence to police others. Because correction involves the power to judge, rebuke and sometimes make apparent, the jurists therefore surrounded it with conditions.

One must know that something really is wrong. The person must ordinarily be persisting in it and intervention must have a sufficient prospect of success. Possible excuses, significant harm and proportionality matter. Lesser means ordinarily precede more injurious ones.

Behind these legal conditions lies a profound moral insight:

It is possible to oppose a wrong in the wrong way.

That insight has acquired new urgency in an age when an allegation can circle the world before the person concerned has heard that it was made.

A Duty Governed by Law

The juristic literature is striking for the conditions it places around the obligation. The duty is not simply: I consider this wrong; therefore I must condemn it.

Between observation and condemnation lies the discipline of law.

Classical Imami jurists discussed knowledge that the matter is genuinely ma'ruf or munkar, the requisite prospect of influence, persistence in the conduct, possible excuse and significant harm. Contemporary jurisprudence retains this architecture. In the rulings of Sayyid 'Ali al-Sistani, for example, the munkar relevant to the obligatory duty must actually be prohibited; the intervener must know what constitutes ma'ruf and munkar; possible excuses matter and significant harm to life, property or reputation, including that of other Muslims, enters the legal calculation.

Amr bi'l-ma'ruf is not moral vigilantism. It is a regulated Shar'i responsibility.

This is especially important when the alleged wrong concerns interpretation, scholarly disagreement, intention or context. Something apparently objectionable may have an explanation. One scholar may consider another mistaken, but the other can have religious arguments.

Before asking how a munkar should be opposed, one must establish that a munkar exists.

Disagreement is not automatically deviance.

Before Judgement Comes Verification

The Qur'an gives a command remarkably suited to the digital age:

يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا إِن جَاءَكُمْ فَاسِقٌ بِنَبَإٍ فَتَبَيَّنُوا أَن تُصِيبُوا قَوْمًا بِجَهَالَةٍ فَتُصْبِحُوا عَلَىٰ مَا فَعَلْتُمْ نَادِمِينَ

"O you who believe, if a wrongdoer comes to you with news, verify it, lest you harm people through ignorance and then become regretful for what you have done." (Qur'an 49:6)

Verification is required because information has consequences. A reputation can now be damaged by a decontextualised screenshot or recording, an unattributed quotation, a recollection of a private exchange, or an interpretation repeated until it masquerades as evidence.

Islam does not permit moral certainty to be manufactured from informational uncertainty.

The Qur'an places another barrier earlier still:

يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا ٱجْتَنِبُوا كَثِيرًا مِّنَ ٱلظَّنِّ إِنَّ بَعْضَ ٱلظَّنِّ إِثْمٌ ۖ وَلَا تَجَسَّسُوا وَلَا يَغْتَب بَّعْضُكُم بَعْضًا

"O you who believe, avoid much suspicion, for some suspicion is sin. Do not spy upon one another, nor backbite one another." (Qur'an 49:12)

Suspicion can lead to investigation; investigation to exposure; exposure to backbiting. The Qur'an places a boundary at every stage.

Nor does hearsay become proof because its conveyor is sincere. The greater the contemplated injury, the greater the duty to establish the facts. Evidence sufficient to create private concern is not necessarily sufficient to justify a public accusation, still less a reputational attack.

Truth Does Not Automatically Create a Right to Publish

People sometimes imagine that if something is true, saying it cannot be morally wrong. The classical tradition says otherwise.

Many grave injuries to reputation begin not with facts, but with allegations- partial, decontextualised, exaggerated or false. Before debating publication, one must establish whether the claim is true at all.

If an allegation is false, there may be buhtan. If it is unverified, circulating it risks turning suspicion into accusation and accusation into reputational harm. Even when the information is true, publishing it may constitute ghiba if it reveals a concealed fault that the person would legitimately dislike being made known. Contemporary Imami rulings also identify insulting a believer, humiliating him, revealing his secrets, pursuing his faults and belittling him as serious sins.

Truth is necessary to responsible speech, but it does not justify every act of publication.

The question is not merely, "Is this true?" It is also: Why say it? To whom? By what right? With what consequences?

The Imami hadith tradition speaks severely about converting information into an instrument of reputational destruction. A report in al-Kafi states:

مَنْ رَوَى عَلَى مُؤْمِنٍ رِوَايَةً يُرِيدُ بِهَا شَيْنَهُ وَهَدْمَ مُرُوءَتِهِ لِيَسْقُطَ مِنْ أَعْيُنِ النَّاسِ...

"Whoever relates something concerning a believer, intending thereby to disgrace him and destroy his standing so that he falls in the eyes of people..."

The narration continues with a severe spiritual warning, whilst its moral content belongs to a broad discourse protecting the believer's honour.

Its wording is extraordinary:

لِيَسْقُطَ مِنْ أَعْيُنِ النَّاسِ

"So that he falls in the eyes of people."

It identifies something subtler than lying: making another human being smaller in the sight of others.

The same ethic appears elsewhere in al-Kafi. Imam al-Baqir transmits the Prophetic definition:

وَالْمُسْلِمُ مَنْ سَلِمَ الْمُسْلِمُونَ مِنْ يَدِهِ وَلِسَانِهِ

"The Muslim is one from whose hand and tongue the Muslims are safe."

The report continues that a believer may not wrong, abandon or backbite another. Today the "tongue" includes the post, caption, edited clip and insinuation released for others to repeat.

An equally searching report from Imam al-Sadiq describes among the lowest departures from faith the conduct of one who befriends another, counts his slips and errors, and preserves them in order to shame him one day:

فَيُحْصِيَ عَلَيْهِ عَثَرَاتِهِ وَزَلَّاتِهِ لِيُعَيِّرَهُ بِهَا يَوْمًا مَا

"He counts his slips and lapses so that one day he may reproach him with them."

It condemns the archive of resentment: collecting a person's failures today as weapons for tomorrow.

Even When What Is Said Is True

Another report attributed to Imam al-Sadiq connects circulating what one has personally seen or heard about a believer with the Qur'anic warning:

إِنَّ ٱلَّذِينَ يُحِبُّونَ أَن تَشِيعَ ٱلْفَاحِشَةُ فِي ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا لَهُمْ عَذَابٌ أَلِيمٌ فِي ٱلدُّنْيَا وَٱلْآخِرَةِ ۚ وَٱللَّهُ يَعْلَمُ وَأَنتُمْ لَا تَعْلَمُونَ

"Indeed, those who love that indecency should spread among the believers will have a painful punishment in this world and the Hereafter. God knows and you do not know." (Qur'an 24:19)

The report contains an unnamed intermediary, although Ibn Abi 'Umayr's transmissions hold an important place in Imami reliability discussions; al-Majlisi described it as hasan ka'l-sahih.

The principle is crucial: Something may be true and its circulation may still be wrong.

Islam does not demand silence before serious harm. But once we move from questioning an act to circulating allegations about a person and still more to launching a reputational attack, a far heavier burden of justification arises.

The Stages of Correction

The juristic maratib (stages) are:

One begins with the least injurious effective means and escalates only when lesser means do not suffice.

There is a profound difference between telling someone, "I believe what you did was wrong," and telling thousands of strangers, "Look at what this person has done."

The first addresses conduct; the second reputation. The first permits explanation; the second may impose a verdict before one is heard. The first can end with the wrong; the second may remain searchable indefinitely.

Amr bi'l-ma'ruf seeks the removal of the munkar. It is not ordinarily a mechanism for removing the honour of the person who committed it.

"We Tried to Contact Them"

Suppose someone says, "We tried speaking to the person. He did not answer." Does private counsel then automatically become public denunciation?

The failure of one means does not legitimate every greater means.

Without an immediate danger requiring warning, other avenues remain: a trusted acquaintance, scholar, elder, family member or institution. The question is not merely, "Did I attempt contact?" but: "Before inflicting potentially irreversible harm, were less injurious avenues genuinely exhausted?"

A single unanswered call, email or message cannot transform a reputational attack into a religious obligation.

There is a revealing test of intention. If private correction disappoints us because nobody else will know the person was wrong, perhaps correction was not our only objective.

When Correction Conceals a Grievance

Religious language can conceal less religious motives. What if the corrector already dislikes the person, or there is rivalry, resentment or institutional conflict?

Such feelings do not make every criticism false. Someone we dislike can do wrong, just as someone we love can. Precisely here the Qur'an imposes a demanding standard:

يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا كُونُوا قَوَّامِينَ لِلَّهِ شُهَدَاءَ بِٱلْقِسْطِ ۖ وَلَا يَجْرِمَنَّكُمْ شَنَآنُ قَوْمٍ عَلَىٰ أَلَّا تَعْدِلُوا ۚ ٱعْدِلُوا هُوَ أَقْرَبُ لِلتَّقْوَىٰ

"O you who believe, stand firmly for God as witnesses in justice. Do not let hatred of a people cause you to depart from justice. Be just; that is nearer to God-consciousness." (Qur'an 5:8)

Hostility increases the need for fairness; it does not diminish it. The Qur'an gives the complementary principle:

يَا أَيُّهَا ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا كُونُوا قَوَّامِينَ بِٱلْقِسْطِ شُهَدَاءَ لِلَّهِ وَلَوْ عَلَىٰ أَنفُسِكُمْ أَوِ ٱلْوَالِدَيْنِ وَٱلْأَقْرَبِينَ

"O you who believe, stand firmly for justice, bearing witness for God, even if it be against yourselves, your parents or your close relatives." (Qur'an 4:135)

Together they establish a demanding symmetry: neither affection nor hostility may determine justice.

Would I interpret the same act identically if done by someone I admired? Would I investigate a friend by the standards applied to an adversary? If the wrong were corrected tomorrow, would I feel relief or disappointment at losing the opportunity to expose him?

A grievance does not make a wrong permissible; nor does a genuine wrong make every act of an adversary permissible. Verification, proportionality, the prohibitions of ghiba and buhtan, and protection of 'ird remain.

A private grievance does not become a public interest because religious vocabulary has been placed around it.

Nasiha and Ta'yir

This brings us to a classical distinction of remarkably modern relevance: nasiha and ta'yir.

Nasiha seeks another person's good.

Ta'yir uses another person's failing against him.

Counsel asks: How can this wrong be corrected?

Humiliation asks: How can others be made to see what is wrong with this person?

Outwardly, both may use religious language. Morally, they belong to different worlds.

Imam al-Sadiq is reported to have said:

مَنْ عَيَّرَ مُؤْمِنًا بِذَنْبٍ لَمْ يَمُتْ حَتَّى يَرْكَبَهُ

"Whoever reproaches a believer for a sin will not die until he commits it."

Al-Kulayni transmits this through a strong Imami chain. The point is not that wrongdoing should escape correction, but that correction and reproach are different moral acts. One seeks reform; the other asserts superiority through another's fall.

Contemporary guidance from the office of Sayyid al-Sistani similarly warns preachers and religious communicators:

وَلَا يَنْبَغِي إِشْهَارُ الزَّلَّةِ وَالتَّشْهِيرُ بِصَاحِبِهَا

It also warns against:

التَّشْهِيرُ بِالْمُؤْمِنِ وَتَسْقِيطُهُ بِزَلَّةٍ صَدَرَتْ مِنْهُ

Publicising a believer's lapse, disgracing its perpetrator and bringing a believer down because of an error.

A reputational attack can entrench the person, enlarge the controversy, spread the error and transform a correctable act into a war over reputation.

Religious vocabulary cannot transform a reputational attack into an act of moral correction.

Not every truth is best defended by maximum publicity. Sometimes publicity magnifies the evil it claims to oppose.

When Public Warning Is Necessary

A balanced treatment must acknowledge exceptional circumstances in which silence becomes irresponsible.

Where there is serious risk of substantial physical, financial or religious harm, disclosure may be necessary to protect others.

Sayyid Abu al-Qasim al-Khoei discusses, within this framework, disclosure for:

حَسْمِ مَادَّةِ الْفَسَادِ

Curtailing the source of serious corruption or harm.

The exception concerns cases in which protection from genuine and grave harm outweighs the individual's ordinarily protected honour.

It cannot become a general permission to expose a believer by describing a disagreement as dangerous, misguided or corrupt. There remains a juridical distance between:

"I believe this person is wrong."

and:

"There is a serious, demonstrable danger that cannot reasonably be prevented without disclosure."

The latter requires proportionate evidence. Even then, necessity sets limits:

Who needs to know?

What must they know?

Is identification required?

Can harm be prevented less injuriously?

The exception must never become larger than the harm it exists to prevent.

Disagreement Is Not Deviance

Shi'i Islam has never been intellectually monochrome. Its greatest jurists have disagreed, sometimes profoundly about theology, politics and religious authority.

Disagreement itself is not a munkar.

Before invoking nahy 'an al-munkar, one must distinguish an established prohibition from an exercise of ijtihad, a legitimate interpretive difference, an error of judgement or a matter on which reasonable scholars differ.

Otherwise an extraordinary inversion occurs.

Plurality becomes corruption.

Disagreement becomes deviance.

Denunciation becomes piety.

A community unable to distinguish error from evil will treat every disagreement as a moral emergency and eventually discover that everyone is somebody else's heretic.

The Honour of the Believer and of the Madhhab

Islamic law takes 'ird - honour and reputation,profoundly seriously. Reputation affects family, employment, marriage, scholarship, trust and a person's ability to serve.

The hadith corpus expresses this sanctity in startling terms. Imam al-Sadiq reports the divine warning:

لِيَأْذَنْ بِحَرْبٍ مِنِّي مَنْ آذَى عَبْدِيَ الْمُؤْمِنَ

"Let the one who harms My believing servant know that he has declared war against Me."

Transmitted in al-Kafi from Hisham b. Salim, the report locates harm to the believer within one's relationship with God. It does not erase lawful accountability; it forbids treating avoidable injury as trivial because our stated cause is religious.

A permissible objective cannot be pursued by prohibited means simply by changing its label. Humiliation does not become amr bi'l-ma'ruf because it is called amr bi'l-ma'ruf.

When clips replace arguments, insinuation substitutes for evidence and victory is measured by another believer's discrediting, moral bankruptcy follows.

The school itself is diminished in the eyes of those watching.

A tradition founded upon the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt cannot defend its truth by abandoning their ethics.

The Corrector Must Not Become the Wrongdoer

One may oppose one munkar yet commit another in doing so. An allegation does not permit buhtan; a genuine error does not permit ghiba; and another's wrongdoing does not make his honour and rights forfeit.

The Qur'an's command is categorical:

وَلَا يَجْرِمَنَّكُمْ شَنَآنُ قَوْمٍ عَلَىٰ أَلَّا تَعْدِلُوا ۚ ٱعْدِلُوا هُوَ أَقْرَبُ لِلتَّقْوَىٰ

"Do not let hatred of a people cause you to depart from justice. Be just; that is nearer to God-consciousness." (Qur'an 5:8)

The moral paradox is real: one may sincerely believe oneself to be resisting wrongdoing while becoming unjust through exaggeration, humiliation, unverified accusation or disproportionate harm.

One cannot remove a munkar by becoming a zalim.

The believer's question is therefore twofold:

Is the wrong I oppose real?

And is the way I oppose it just?

The first tests our judgement of others.

The second tests our judgement of ourselves.

A Jurisprudence for the Digital Age

Earlier jurists could not have imagined an allegation crossing continents in seconds. They did not need to foresee the technology to give us the principles.

Technology changes the scale of the act.

It does not change its moral grammar.

Do not begin with suspicion:

إِنَّ بَعْضَ ٱلظَّنِّ إِثْمٌ

"Some suspicion is sin."

When information reaches you:

فَتَبَيَّنُوا

"Verify."

Do not let hostility corrupt justice:

ٱعْدِلُوا هُوَ أَقْرَبُ لِلتَّقْوَىٰ

"Be just; that is nearer to God-consciousness."

Do not delight in scandal's spread:

أَن تَشِيعَ ٱلْفَاحِشَةُ فِي ٱلَّذِينَ آمَنُوا

"That indecency should spread among the believers."

And remember how the Qur'an described the relationship before the correction:

بَعْضُهُمْ أَوْلِيَاءُ بَعْضٍ

"They are allies of one another."

A responsible sequence follows.

Establish that the matter is munkar, not disagreement.

Verify the facts.

Seek explanation and consider possible excuse.

Ask whether intervention will achieve islah.

Begin with the least injurious effective means.

If direct communication fails, consider trustworthy intermediaries.

Where demonstrable danger requires warning, warn proportionately and disclose no more than protection requires.

Continually ask whether the purpose remains correction rather than victory.

Perhaps the most difficult test is this:

If the wrong were corrected today, would I still want the world to know tomorrow?

Our answer may reveal more about our intention than anything we say about somebody else's.

Correcting Without Destroying

Islam does not ask us to choose between truth and compassion. It asks us to hold them together.

Truth without compassion can become cruelty.

Compassion without truth can become indifference.

Amr bi'l-ma'ruf exists because wrongdoing matters.

The protection of honour exists because people matter.

Neither cancels the other.

The task is not to abolish criticism, but to discipline it.

Verify before accusing.

Distinguish disagreement from wrongdoing.

Seek explanation before condemnation.

Advise privately where possible and use trusted intermediaries where necessary.

Let neither affection conceal a wrong nor grievance magnify one.

Escalate only when necessity requires it.

Say no more than protection demands.

And always leave open a road back.

For perhaps this is the greatest difference between correction and humiliation.

Correction has an end.

Humiliation does not.

The person stops, makes amends, apologises or repents; the purpose of nahy 'an al-munkar has been achieved.

The internet, however, remembers.

The clip remains.

The post remains.

The search result remains.

Someone encounters the allegation years later without knowing that the person apologised, changed, was misunderstood, or that further facts emerged.

What began as the claimed correction of an act becomes the permanent definition of a human being.

That should trouble anyone who believes in tawba.

A religion that teaches repentance must know how to allow people to return.

Before pressing "publish", then, the question is not merely whether we believe ourselves right.

It is whether the act we are about to perform is itself right.

For al-amr bi'l-ma'ruf wa'l-nahy 'an al-munkar was never permission to become careless with another's honour. It is a responsibility to care about another's moral good.

Its purpose is not spectacle but islah.

Not victory, but restoration.

Not the destruction of the person, but the disappearance of the wrong.

And sometimes the most demanding part of enjoining what is right is remembering that the person whose conduct we seek to correct remains, throughout it all, our brother or sister in faith.

Taliban Crackdown on Shia Institutions in Kabul Raises Alarm Among Shia Muslims in the United States

A widening Taliban crackdown on prominent Shia religious institutions, scholars and community leaders in Afghanistan is raising serious concern among Shia Muslims in the United States, following the forced evacuation of one of Kabul’s leading Shia seminaries and a series of reported detentions.

Taliban forces surrounded the Khatam al Nabiyyin Seminary in Kabul on September 5, ordering officials, teachers and students to evacuate the complex. Afghanistan International reported that members of Kabul’s Shia community gathered outside in protest as Taliban personnel and military vehicles surrounded the institution. Source: Afghanistan International.

The confrontation was followed by widespread detentions. Mohammad Jawad Mohseni, head of the Khatam al Nabiyyin complex, said 28 instructors and students were detained. Four were subsequently released, leaving 24 reportedly in custody at the time of his statement. Source: Amu TV.

Two days later, the confrontation escalated.

On September 7, Taliban forces forcibly removed students from the seminary and took control of the premises. KabulNow reported that students were ordered to leave with their belongings and that Taliban forces had effectively taken control of the religious school. Source: KabulNow.

The crackdown has not stopped at the seminary.

Afghanistan International reported that Taliban forces subsequently detained members of the Hazara and Shia Elders’ Public Relations Office after scholars and community representatives gathered in Kabul to discuss the crisis at Khatam al Nabiyyin. Those reportedly detained included Sayed Sufi Gardizi, Sayed Hassan Sharif Balkhabi and Hussain Sangardost, along with other people who were present at the meeting. Source: Afghanistan International.

According to KabulNow, the meeting itself was intended to discuss efforts to secure the release of the detained teachers and students and pursue discussions with Taliban authorities. Source: KabulNow.

That fact makes the arrests especially disturbing. Shia community representatives were reportedly detained while attempting to respond peacefully to the detention of other members of their community.

Then, on September 8, Taliban forces surrounded the Kabul office of Afghanistan’s High Shia Council. The reason for that action was not immediately clear. Source: KabulNow.

Taken together, these incidents raise a far more troubling possibility: what Taliban authorities have presented as a dispute involving one institution may be developing into a broader campaign of pressure against organized Shia religious and community life in Afghanistan.

A Property Dispute Cannot Explain What Is Happening

Taliban authorities have claimed that the Khatam al Nabiyyin complex was constructed on government owned land and should come under state control.

Officials representing the seminary strongly dispute that claim. They say they possess legal documentation supporting private ownership and maintain that the property dispute remained before a court without a final judgment when the Taliban ordered the evacuation. Source: KabulNow.

The Taliban has also alleged political connections involving institutions associated with the complex. Mohammad Jawad Mohseni has rejected those allegations and characterized the actions against the institution as politically and religiously motivated. Source: Amu TV.

Whatever the merits of a property dispute, the events now extend far beyond a disagreement over ownership.

Armed personnel surrounding a religious seminary is not an ordinary property proceeding. Detaining teachers and students is not an ordinary property proceeding. Arresting Shia community figures reportedly meeting to discuss the release of those detainees is not an ordinary property proceeding.

And surrounding additional Shia organizations makes it increasingly difficult to view these events in isolation.

An Institution at the Center of Afghan Shia Life

Khatam al Nabiyyin is not an obscure religious school. The institution was established in 2007 by Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Asif Mohseni, one of Afghanistan’s most prominent Shia scholars. It developed into a major center for Shia religious education, scholarship and community activity in Kabul.

The wider network associated with Mohseni has included Khatam al Nabiyyin University and Tamadon TV, one of Afghanistan’s most prominent Shia oriented religious and cultural broadcasters.

Tamadon TV has itself faced Taliban restrictions. The broadcaster’s operations were halted by Taliban authorities before the current confrontation at the seminary, part of a pattern that now takes on greater significance in light of the September actions.

The cumulative picture is difficult to ignore: a Shia television network silenced, a major Shia seminary forcibly emptied, teachers and students detained, Shia elders arrested and additional Shia institutions surrounded.

The Detention of Sheikh Mohammad Hassan Mohseni

The situation became still more concerning with reports concerning Sheikh Mohammad Hassan Mohseni, the eldest son and successor of Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Asif Mohseni.

Afghan media reported that Mohseni was detained near his home in Kabul following the evacuation of Khatam al Nabiyyin and taken to an undisclosed location. As of September 10, no credible public reporting located by the Shia Muslim Foundation has established that Mohseni has been released or publicly confirmed his present location and condition.

That uncertainty should command immediate international attention. When authorities take a prominent religious scholar into custody, the minimum expectation is that his family and the public know where he is being held, the legal basis for his detention and his physical condition.

Why Shia Muslims in America Are Alarmed

For Shia Muslims in the United States, these developments cannot be dismissed as a distant administrative dispute.

Afghanistan’s Shia population has endured generations of sectarian violence, discrimination and attacks. Mosques, seminaries, schools, media organizations and community institutions provide the structure through which a minority community can educate its children, train its scholars and preserve its religious traditions.

Pressure on those institutions therefore affects far more than buildings.

When a government can forcibly empty a major Shia seminary, detain its teachers and students, take a prominent scholar to an undisclosed location and arrest community representatives reportedly attempting to discuss those detentions, the issue becomes one of religious freedom and basic human rights.

Shia organizations inside Afghanistan are already sounding the alarm. Shia councils in Kandahar have called for the release of detained Shia elders and urged Taliban authorities to treat citizens without discrimination based on ethnicity, religion or language. Source: Hasht e Subh Daily.

Those concerns should not remain confined to Afghanistan.

The Shia Muslim Foundation believes the developments demand immediate attention from the United States government, the United Nations, international human rights organizations, religious freedom bodies and elected officials.

Taliban authorities should immediately disclose the whereabouts and condition of Sheikh Mohammad Hassan Mohseni and every scholar, teacher, student and community representative detained in connection with these events.

They should explain the legal basis for each detention and permit access to families and appropriate legal safeguards. Anyone detained solely for peaceful religious, educational or community activity should be released.

There must also be international scrutiny of the seizure of Khatam al Nabiyyin and the expanding actions against other Shia organizations.

For American Shia Muslims, what is at stake is much larger than one seminary or one scholar. It is the ability of an already vulnerable religious minority to maintain its institutions, educate its scholars, organize peacefully and practice its faith without intimidation.