- SMF
- 14 hours ago
- 2 min read
MPAC says anti-Muslim political messaging is being amplified through paid ads on Meta platforms ahead of the 2026 midterm elections.
According to MPAC's Sharia Scare tracker, its Center for Security, Technology, and Policy identified 214 Facebook and Instagram political ads that portrayed Muslim communities or Islamic practices as threats. MPAC says the ads generated an estimated 11.8 million to 13.8 million impressions and cost between $172,600 and $212,525 across nine states. MPAC labels the section "Paid to Hate" and says a fuller report is forthcoming.
The finding sits at the intersection of civil rights, public safety, and election integrity. Meta says in its own 2026 midterm elections update that advertisers running political, election, or social-issue ads must complete authorization and include a paid-for-by disclaimer. Meta also says those ads are stored in the public Ad Library for seven years.
Transparency, however, does not answer the whole question. A disclaimer can show who paid for an ad, but it does not undo the effect of repeated messages telling voters that Muslims, mosques, Islamic schools, or Sharia are threats to American life. MPAC's concern is that platforms profit when candidates and committees buy fear-based messaging at scale.
MPAC has been tracking the same narrative in Congress and state legislatures. Its Sharia Scare tracker lists a Sharia Free America Caucus, federal bills targeting Sharia, and state measures that frame Islamic religious practice as a legal danger. In its May 16 iMPACt newsletter, MPAC said Texas had become a flashpoint for coordinated anti-Muslim harassment and that CSTP was tracking anti-Muslim political ads on Meta platforms.
For SMF, this is not only a national politics story. SMF's mission includes promoting awareness about contemporary Shia religious, political, and social issues to the broader American community. SMF has also worked on anti-Muslim hate, mosque security, immigration policy, and government engagement. When paid political narratives present Muslim civic participation as a threat, they can make local advocacy harder and community safety more fragile.
The danger is cumulative. An individual ad may be framed as commentary on immigration, land use, foreign law, or national security. But when hundreds of ads repeat the same imagery and claims, they can build a climate in which ordinary Muslim religious life appears suspicious. That climate can spill into school-board meetings, city councils, congressional hearings, mosque zoning disputes, and law-enforcement interactions.
Meta's public election policies offer a starting point for accountability. The company says it will block new political, electoral, and social-issue ads during the final week of the campaign, require AI disclosures in certain political ads, and add more information to ads detected as created with third-party AI tools. Civil-rights groups will likely ask whether those systems are sufficient when the issue is not only false voting information but also paid demonization of a religious minority.
MPAC's data gives Muslim organizations a practical task: monitor ads, preserve examples, report policy violations, and alert local partners when digital messaging targets specific communities. For policymakers, the question is whether election transparency rules should also measure how paid platforms profit from bigotry. For communities, the answer must include civic participation, media literacy, and a refusal to let paid fear define Muslim public life.

